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Time interval: Time interval:. Appendix Institutions Authors Keywords. Al-Rusan, Husam K. Kothalawala, Barbara K. Fahim Shahriar, Md. Kontsek, A. Pesti, J. Gordon, T. Smuk, S. Gergely, A. Zwaan, King H.
Lam, Friederike A. Semsei, Csaba F. Boniface, Paul T. Halawa, Ahmed A. Lombardo, Roland Bassett, Austin C. Youssef, Dina A. Radi, Marwa A. Mell, Fernanda G. Barth, Dina Salem, Marwa M. Wieczorkiewicz-Kabut, K.
Kata, M. Mikhaleva, A. Cherniaev, M. Samsonova, O. Zayratyants, L. Kakturskiy, O. Vasyukova, A. Birukov, A.
Kontorshchikov, A. Sorokina, M. Tapanainen, Leif C. Masad, Abdalla S. Azzam, Majid A. Almadi, Abdulrahman M. Rossouw, Hocine Bendou, Renette J. Bari, Alaa Samkari, Ahmed I. Ross, Shakti H. Wojtukiewicz, Stephanie C. Tucker, Kenneth V. Puhr, Alexander K. Karner, Gerd Jomrich, Sebastian F. Pesti, M. Garay, P. Gordon, S.
Muraro, E. Vaccher, C. Furlan, E. Fratta, G. Fanetti, D. Martorelli, M. Cangemi, J. Polesel, F. Navarria, C. Gobitti, E. Comaro, C. Scaini, C. Pratesi, S. Zanussi, V. Lupato, G. Grando, V. Giacomarra, S. Sulfaro, L. Barzan, R. Dolcetti, A. Steffan, V. Canzonieri, G.
Bonadio, Mirella Nardo, Sheila F. Faraj, de Azevedo Souza L. Manoel Carlos, David Q. Tabuso, M. Christian, P. Kimani, K. Gopalakrishnan, R. Soenens, P. Dekuyper, G. De Coster, N. Van Damme, E. Van Eycken, T. Quackels, T. Van Cleynenbreugel, S. Joniau, F. Pljesa Ercegovac, Aleksandra R. A Single Center Experience. Is it Indicated? A Case Report and Review of the Literature Does it Really Exist?
Report of Three Cases Can Lymphatic Mapping Help Staging? Search Publisher Homepage. Conflict of Interest:. Funding Information:. Back Search. POR Subscription. Go to the Springer homepage. POR Sale. POR Other. POR Description. POR Editorial board. POR Editor in chief. POR Editorial. POR Publisher. ISSN POR Submitting manuscripts. POR Organizing the Manuscript. Editorial policy POR is devoted especially to basic problems of Pathology and Oncology, together with related clinical and clinicopathological aspects; is a forum for high quality papers from all over the world, including, naturally, our closer geographical area; entertains teaching material from internationally recognized experts.
The only restriction: manuscripts must be in English. Organizing the manuscript Title page – Title should be 15 words or less , informative, without subtitles. The following formats must be used: for periodicals 1. Phantasy 1: , for books 2. POR Rights. POR Registration. If Jews were to become proper Europeans, they had to decisively shed their Asian being and carriage.
Some were even more 4 See especially Chapter 2, Jonathan M. Hess, Germans, Jews and the Claims of Modernity, Benjamin Disraeli is only the most famous exemplar of this trend. This too followed a more general European nineteenth-century romantic fashion which, while still reproducing the essentialist East-West distinction, idealized the Orient, rendered it exotic.
Jewish versions replicated many of these themes but also took their own interested turn. Indeed, this was the proudly emblazoned name of an elite nineteenth-century German-Jewish liberal journal devoted to the scientific study of Jewish tradition, literature and culture, its Middle Eastern roots and the period of great Jewish cultural creativity under Islamic rule. In this way, Jewish Wissenschaftlers provided the tools to uncover a respectable and useable past, able to counter-Christian and anti-Jewish narratives.
It served as an exemplary model in numerous fields such as liturgy, synagogue archi- tecture,6 literature, philosophy and scholarship, and fitted perfectly the new inte- grative ideals of an enlightened emancipation. If broader German Enlightenment culture looked to the classical ancient Greeks and Romans for their inspiration, Spanish Jewry in the Moorish age served to supply modernizing Jews with their own classicism. After all, was not Maimonides the great exemplar of secular knowledge and the rational exposition of Judaism — and thus in so many ways the exemplification of the image German Jewry sought to project of itself?
Geschichte einer Baugattung im Jahrhundert , 2. Jahhunderts, , pp. The Gans quote appears on p. This was also true for non-Jews. If Christianity has done everything to Orientalize the Occident, Judaism has always played an essential part in Occidentalizing it again …9 But what about specifically Jewish appropriations?
It has by now been well estab- lished that for scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums, far less of the patronizing Saidian brand of orientalism was to be found. Indeed, at times very close identifi- cation rather than supercilious distance applied.
ASCHHEIM judiciously discovered that this was the only religion which, even in its doctrinal and official formulation, can satisfy philosophical minds. Bam- berger converted to Islam in Turkey. True, he then later converted to Protestant- ism an opportunist move enabling him to be admitted to the [Catholic] Univer- sity of Budapest in ! He even dabbled in Zionism, promising but not delivering in return for payment to arrange a meeting for Theodor Herzl with the Sultan.
Symbolically, his letter-head consisted of a Crescent and Star of David. Amongst other things, he was the biographer of the Russian czar and Stalin, a Weimar media star, a prominent Hollywood figure in the s, and a shadowy figure who courted Mussolini. He presented himself as a Muslim prince and in one of the many delectable iro- nies of the orientalist saga wrote his Middle East work Allah is Great: The Decline and Rise of the Islamic World , with Wolfgang Weisl — a militant right-wing Zionist and close associate of the revisionist leader Vladimir Jabotinsky of whom a word later.
His translation of the Koran into English has been highly acclaimed. Always pleading for rationality and plurality in Moslem law — which he regarded as the real legacy of its founders — towards the end of his life he became disillusioned by the emerging fundamen- talism and fanaticism of fellow Muslims, and moved to Spain where he died in relative obscurity. It was our last, exotic figure, the Dutch-born Jacob Israel de Haan who was in- strumental in obtaining Leopold Weiss his journalistic assignment in the Middle East.
The flamboyant de Haan did not convert to Islam but he certainly can be considered as a kind of radically idiosyncratic orientalist. Born in Smilde in , raised in an Orthodox Jewish home, he was a journalist, legal scholar, school teacher, Social Democrat, and author of some scandalous homoerotic novels which rendered him notorious and virtually unemployable.
Perhaps as a result, he turned to Zionism and in was among the first Dutch Jews to immigrate to Eretz Israel. Very soon, he became disillusioned with Zionism and its treatment of Orthodox Jews and Arabs, joined the virulently anti-Zionist, ultra-Orthodox Agudat Israel, and sought a legal basis for Jewish communal existence and protec- tion under Arab jurisdiction.
I thank Hanan Harif for this reference. Von Galizien nach Arabien , ASCHHEIM Although these are merely marginalia, exotica at the extreme fringes of main- stream Jewish choices, I have spent some time discussing them not only because they are intriguing cases but also because they illustrate a certain openness and fluidity of identitarian possibilities rather different from our own hardened ideo- logically driven times. We must now, however, turn to yet another, far more central and equally com- plex chapter of Jewish orientalism.
This too sprung out of, and paralleled, more general tendencies, while taking on its own peculiar turns. Jews who lived in contem- porary Islamic countries, were dismissed as primitive; products of a decayed and stagnated civilization. But Asia and Africa were very much on the periphery. This was a relatively new disjunction. During the Renaissance, we should remember, the essential European division was between North and South.
But in the second half of the eighteenth century, Western Europe essentially invented Eastern Europe as its complementary nega- tive mirror image. The quote appears on p. At the same time, it became a kind of psychological reposi- tory onto which modern Jews could deflect antisemitic sentiments.
Yet, this does not quite capture the ongoing web-like entanglement of the dis- course, nor its much more complex, and occasionally even ironic character.
For, while Western and Central European Enlightenment orientalism labeled Eastern Europe as a cradle of barbarism, and thus also legitimized German-Jewish nega- tive images of the Ostjuden, they also provided the basis for their ongoing sense of albeit patronizing responsibility for their Eastern Jewish cousins.
Western Jews would now assume the task of civilizing their brethren and taking them out of their misery on the basis of their own newly acquired Bildung and Enlightenment. The same applied, too, as we have seen, to the Jews of Islamic countries, except in those cases the frame was explicitly colonial. Yet, here it was mediated and complicated by an ongoing dialectical tension between dissociation, on the one hand, and a nagging sense of solidarity, responsibility and identification, even nostalgia, on the other hand — aspects clearly absent from the conventional orientalist paradigm.
On the one hand, Franzos articulated a clear brand of German cul- tural colonialism. See too Richard I. It should be stressed, however, that nostalgia is a condi- tion afforded only because that past has been transcended. See his foreword to vol. For that commitment implied certain differences from more gener- alized forms of orientalism.
Moreover, through all this paternalism, his work does occasionally betray a certain identifying sympathy with his subjects, an empathy that threatens to crack his own putative ideological and conceptual framework. Any kind of acknowledged Jewishness necessarily placed limits on a wholly stigmatizing orientalism, because for such Jews it entailed working out the complexities of an explicit ethnic or religious re- lationship and responsibility with their Eastern brethren.
Indeed, the complicat- ing, differentiating factor here derived from the emotional and existential dimen- sion, the albeit ambivalent sense of family affinity.
This Jewish turn, as always, paralleled a more general anti-positivist fashion of the time, one that sought inspiration in the mystic, the mythical and the occult, in the warm wisdom of Eastern religions putatively lost in the soulless, bourgeois, over- rationalized West. Deutschtum represented a kind of humane standard by which na- tions could measure their own particular cultural progress. See my treatment of Franzos in Brothers and Strangers, , esp.
Riegert, Jr. The quotes appear on p. Eastern Jewish life in the ghetto was whole and organic, not torn, tortured and fragmented as were the assimilated Central European Jews. Of course, such post-liberal roman- tic idealizations were common to the positive side of other orientalisms. Symptomatically see Mendes-Flohr, p. While all these manifestations belong to the history of Jewish orientalism, we must now turn our attention to where these issues remain urgently contemporary, at the fault line of international geo-politics and root existential dilemmas.
For, clearly, it is with the ideology and practice of Zionism and the State of Israel that the problematic threads of occidentalism and orientalism were — and con- tinue to be — most thickly, dangerously and dialectically entangled. Zionism, after all, is inconceivable outside the contours of European history. It incorporated both the negation and the emulation of the — variously inter- preted — European experience.
It represented the simultaneous desire to leave its shores and yet, in many ways, to recreate and perpetuate it. Was- sermann wrote repeatedly on this theme. Ein Sammelbuch, ed.
Hans Kohn, , and in Daimon, , 28— Jews, he believed, had to be rescued from the insufficiently recognized barbaric potential of a murderous European antisemitism. Most Jews would have to get out of Europe. His new society was to be an improved liberal, scien- tific and technological version of Europe, not a negation of it.
German, not He- brew, was to be the privileged future language and society was to be organized not along clerical lines but as a kind of blend between progressive capitalist and collec- tive principles.
As Franz Oppenheimer made utterly clear: We cannot be Jewish by culture because the Jewish culture, as it has been preserved from the Middle Ages in the ghettoes of the East, stands infinitely lower than modern culture which our [Western] nations bear.
We can neither regress nor want to … Eastern Jews … must be Jews by culture for the medieval Jewish culture stands exactly as far above East European barbarism as it is beneath the culture of Western Europe.
But from the perspective of the orientalist paradigm, Ostjuden or, as they became known, Ashkenazim , now presented themselves, and were perceived as quintessential Europeans. As a result, many of the negative, backward characteristics that were previously applied to these East European Jews themselves were now directed at the Jewish masses from Arab countries who after poured into the new State. Moreover, as we have already seen, prior to their coming there already existed a crystallized stereotype of what were taken to be decayed and non-productive Asian and African societies.
Yet, again, the web of Jewish orientalism differed from, was thicker and more complex than the more general orientalisms which were based upon a superior brand of identity-defining distance. Within Europe the fact of Jewish vulnerable minority status constituted the driving force. Once again numerous hybrid moments in the East-West categorization applied: while oriental Jews were regu- larly regarded as a rather backward non-European Other, a Levantinizing threat unless educated in higher Western ways, for different purposes they were also por- trayed as the authentic ancient Jews, primordial embodiments of a long historical textual tradition, exemplifying continuity and still colorful folkways and folklore.
Many are — often indistinguishably — to be found at the commanding heights of the polity and the economy. The Orthodox Shas party — a party that explicitly purports to represent the traditional and under privileged Mizrachim — is determinedly neither Arab nor Ashkenazi. In the spirit of the deflective chain of orientalism, it should come as no surprise that it is this sector that explicitly voices some of the most anti-Arab political attitudes in the country.
While I still hold to this proposition, I do believe that the orientalizing impulse is more important than I previously believed, and this chap- ter is an attempt to flesh out its dynamics, permutations, and complexities.
Contrary to accepted wisdom, Brit Shalom, which advocated some kind of an equal bi-national solution to the conflict, was not made up entirely of Ashkenazi Jews. Moreover, the radical Mizrachi Black Panther movement of the s had a very conciliatory attitude towards Israeli Arabs.
Regardless of the mixed attitudes towards them, Jews from Arab countries were to become part of the nation, integrally absorbed into emerging Israeli society. But what can be said about the native population, the Arabs of Palestine? As one figure put it, Zionism was about de-Europeanization, the transformative return of the Jew to his healthy, authentic Eastern essence, based upon the mystical power of the land common to Jew and Arab alike.
For all that, it too reproduced the archetypal East-West cut and its ef- fectiveness was ultimately negligible. Still, pan-Semitic Zion- ism was not an exclusively fringe phenomenon. More than ever, it seems to me that Zionism can be justified only in terms of the racial belonging of the Jews to the peoples of the near Orient.
But this alleged appropriation of nativeness had its darker side. Thus, he rendered explicit his belief in the racial as well as cultural superiority of Ashkenazi over Sephardic-Oriental Jews. ASCHHEIM orientalism — despite his later, admirable, bi-national vision of Arab-Jewish coop- eration — was based upon a particular vision of the distinctive historical-ethical nature of the Jewish people. Of course, there were those who immediately grasped the unrealistic and ro- mantic nature of many of these visions.
Thus, the humanist Zionist Shmuel Hugo Bergman pointed out that actually the rise of Arab nationalism was a product of Western capitalism and modernization, not native Eastern thought. Given their peculiar placement, the role of Zionists, he argued, was thus to act as a mediating bridge between East and West.
Moses Calvary most clearly articulated the middle ground. He was, he wrote, aware of the force of both the mindless influence of German nationalism on Zionists, on the one hand, and an exaggerated oriental- ism, on the other.
What was needed was a critical and rational relationship bal- ance between them. On this movement, see James S. Diamond, Homeland or Holy Land?
I am grateful to Adi Gordon for this ref- erence. For others, it stands as a beacon of democratic light in a dark sea of semi-feudal, authoritarian regimes. At base, the conflict may indeed be territo- rial; one of two warring national entities, perhaps even soluble through some kind of rational compromise, but, clearly, at a time of deepening global East-West con- flict and the bitter continuation of Palestine-Israel hostilities, orientalist stereo- types reinforce the gulf in order to portray Arabs and Jews as implacable enemies, essentialist symbols of the East and West.
I am a historian, not a politician or moralist. My task here, therefore, has been to map some of the major and complex ways in which the archetypal oriental- occidental, East-West axis has been constitutive, deployed, resisted and negotiated within the Jewish experience rather than attempting to provide solutions to the conflicts and problems to which it gives rise.
What needs to be noted, however, is the degree to which its framework is shaping questions and positions that have taken center stage both within the international academy and within Israel itself.
It is a debate that precisely reflects constant tensions of the wider Zionist inheri- tance, tied to fundamental dilemmas and quandaries regarding the identity and self-understanding of the State of Israel itself.
In its light, some young scholars have radically questioned the prevailing national narrative: Many of us still dream, as did Theodor Herzl in his time, of a petit-bourgeois Central European colony that just happens to be located in the Levant. The point here is not to agree or take issue with such a standpoint, but rather to underline the degree to which such questions are not merely academic, but rather urgently existential. Of course, many Israeli institutions — parliament, the rule of law, civil society, etc.
Much of this may have been patronizing and disdainful of other cultures. But one wonders if things could have developed otherwise.
For the late-nineteenth- and twentieth- century business of modern state-building and the creation of a new national culture and identity went virtually hand in hand with European ideas and the negative and positive models it provided. Few, I think, would want such key institutions to be abandoned.
The stakes are enormous and no quick or simple resolution is in sight. What is clear, however, is that the entanglement within the occidental-oriental web is as powerful as ever and regardless of the many attempts to undermine, soften, mediate, bridge, celebrate or reinforce the East-West dichotomy, it seems to remain at the contested, defining heart of the modern Jewish experience — and perhaps unwittingly, at the storm center of world political conflict.
Works Cited Anidjar, Gil. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Aschheim, Steven E. At the Edges of Liberalism. Junctions of European, German, and Jewish History. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, Prince- ton: Princeton University Press, Brothers and Strangers.
Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, Berkowitz, Michael. Ivan D. Kalmar and 54 This notion too is partly, of course, an ideological construct. Deborah Dash Moore dates its emergence to the Second World War in which American Jewish and non-Jewish soldiers fought together and as a result the Protestant, Catholic and Jewish chaplains conducted joint services.
As a founda- tional narrative, this may indeed be new, but the seeds of notions combining Christian and Jewish values and traditions has an exceedingly long pedigree.
Hanover and London: Brandeis University Press, , pp. Bloom, Etan. Arthur Ruppin — , cul- tural identity, weltanschauung and action. Buber, Martin. On Judaism. New York: Schocken Books, Calvary, Moses. Cohen, Jeremy. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, Cohen, Richard I. Jonathan Frankel and Steven J.
Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, , pp. Cutler, Allan and Helen Cutler. The Jew as the Ally of the Muslim. Diamond, James S. Homeland or Holy Land?
Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press, Eban, Abba. Voice of Israel. New York: Horizon Press, Efron, John M. Kalmar and Derek J. Franzos, Karl E. Aus Halb-Asien. Stuttgart and Berlin, []. Fromer, Jakob. Vom Ghetto zur modernen Kultur: Eine Lebensgeschichte. Charlotten- burg, Gerber, Noah S. Hammer-Schenk, Harold. Synagogen in Deutschland. Jahrhundert — Hamburg, Heine, Heinrich. Frederic Ewen. New York: The Citadel Press, [], pp. Hertzberg, Arthur. The Zionist Idea. New York: Atheneum, Hess, Jonathan M.
Germans, Jews and the Claims of Modernity. New Haven: Yale University Press, Hoeflich, Eugen. Armin A. Kalmar, Ivan D. Orientalism and the Jews. Hanover and Lon- don: Brandeis University Press, Khazzoom, Aziza. Shifting Ethnic Boundaries and Inequality in Israel. Stanford: Stan- ford University Press, Jahhun- derts, Frankfurt, Lanir, Niva.
Lensing, Leo A. Levesque, Paul. Marchand, Suzanne L. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Mendes-Flohr, Paul. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, Moore, Deborah D. Morris-Reich, Amos.
Nietzsche, Friedrich. Oppenheimer, Franz. Patai, Raphael. Ignaz Goldziher and His Oriental Diary. Detroit: Wayne State Uni- versity Press, Poppel, Stephen M. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, Raz-Krakotzkin, Amnon. Reiss, Tom. London: Vintage Books, Riegert, Leo W. Robertson, Ritchie. New York: Oxford University Press, Rosenzweig, Franz.
On Jewish Learning. Madison: The Univer- sity of Wisconsin Press, Shlomo Krolik. Sand, Shlomo. The Invention of the Jewish People. London: Verso, Saposnik, Arieh B. Scholem, Gershom. Frankfurt a. Schorsch, Ismar. Schroeter, Daniel. Jeremey Cohen and Richard I. Segev, Tom. Shenhav, Yehouda. Shohat, Ella. Stanislawski, Michael. Oakland: University of California Press, Wassermann, Jakob.
Hans Kohn. Leipzig: Kurt Wolff, Munich: Kurt Wolff, Weiss, Leopold. Ikram Chaghatai. New Delhi: Adam Publishers, , p. Windhager, Gunther. Leopold Weiss alias Muhammad Asad. Von Galizien nach Arabien Translated by Kate Sturge. This contextualizes the colonial trope of the lost tribes within Puritan millenarian theology and the complex historical colonial contact situation.
It was David Chidester who began to relocate the discipline of comparative re- ligion in the context of colonial frontier discourses. While his first book, Savage Systems, explored comparative religion in one colonized periphery the southern African frontiers and his new study Empire of Religion focuses on the metropolitan center, both books apply the same fruitful methodological and theoretical ap- proach.
These were by no means homogeneous, and underwent dramatic ruptures in the course of colonial history. Thus, the early narratives of colonial hegemony, proposed by missionaries, travellers and colonial officials from around into the seventeenth century, revolved around the negation of indigenous religion — the claim that it did not exist. Another important topos found even in early colonial knowledge production, during the Catholic conquest of America, was the notion that the indigenous population originally consisted of Jews who had rejected the Christian gospel and thus become the allies of Satan.
Sometimes, this anti-Judaic model also identified the American indigenous people with the savage warrior peoples of Gog and Ma- gog who, according to the Apocalypse of John, will be recruited by Satan for his battle against Christ at the end of days.
These connotations took concrete shape in the idealization of the founding fathers, as synthesized by Cotton Mather in his monumental historical work Mag- nalia Christi Americana, first published in Through reference to Judaic proto- types, patriarchal masculinity and Puritan millenarianism entered an indissoluble union. By idealizing and mythologizing the period of colonial origins, Mather could issue a summons to self-scrutiny and moral improvement.
See also Brunotte, Puritanismus und Pioniergeist. The seven books of the Magnalia extend from the flight out of England, the passage across the Atlan- tic and the foundation of the colony all the way to those wars with the Indians still raging in The whole can be read as a chronicle, as an epic or as a collec- tion of hagiographies of the founding fathers. The mission he ascribes to the era of flight and the first genera- tion of founding fathers has both global historical relevance and deep religious significance: the religious refugees from England are the sacred remnant, those ul- timately elected by God who, in His promised land, are destined to establish the true church and enter the millennium.
Nationality may represent worldly destiny for other Christians, but for Winthrop, in his portrayal by Cotton Mather as an exemplum fidei, it is the national — and collective, socially integrating — identity that defines the individual biography as sacred history. Whereas tradition- ally events and figures from the history of Israel became allegories of the redemp- tion achieved by Christ, Mather — like Edward Johnson and John Cotton before 32 Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, 2nd edition, , vol.
The cur- rent historical moment in New England becomes the focus for all significant histo- ries and all expectations of future salvation. Writing from a political situation characterized by destruction and depression, Cotton Mather invokes the founding period as an era of fulfillment. The ambivalence be- tween a cult of origins and a yearning for the apocalypse is symptomatic of his historical work.
To understand this Judeocentrism and the ambivalent identification strategies of the early settler communities which accom- panied their colonial project, it is worth looking at a particular attitude towards Jews in mid-seventeenth-century England: the cultural phenomenon referred to as Hebraism.
Few assaults on the early modern European self-image left such lasting marks on views of Judaism as the relativization of the single Christian faith firstly by the Reformation and religious wars, secondly by the confrontation with reli- gious and cultural plurality during early colonialism. The impact of both these shocks was severe in England. Strictly speaking, Hebraism refers to the use or peculiarities of the Hebrew language.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, English and New England Puritans rediscovered the Hebrew Bible, the past of the people of Israel, and thus also the Hebrew language.
New England Puritans gave their children He- brew names, retranslated parts of the Bible and developed what can only be called a cult of the Hebrew language. Katz37 and Richard H. From that point on, these ten tribes were regarded as lost, and numerous legends took shape around their possible location. These frontier communities, bringing together reformers and heretics, often combined greater religious pluralism with attempts to approach the indigenous population. Williams had left the Massachusetts colony for the wilderness, banished by the authorities as a proponent of religious tolerance.
He spent periods of time living with the Narragansett tribe and learned their language. Yet if the theory that the Indians originated on American soil was not accepted, then the Puritans were forced to recognize them as the first colonists of the New World.
And if the Indians — in whatever manner — were descended from an an- cient civilization, such as the Greeks or the Hebrews, then their wild and uncivi- lized way of life could only be the expression of a radical degeneration. As early as , the English author William Strachey, in The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, argued that the American Indians sprang directly from a seafaring descendant of Noah who had travelled to the extreme ends of the earth.
Strachey, like other authors before him, especially Marc Lescarbot,43 identifies Ham as the ancestor of the Indians on the grounds that, along with his son Canaan and all his descendants, Ham had been cursed and banished by Noah for failing to show sufficient honor to his father and not covering his eyes before his nakedness.
On the one hand, the American Indians were declared uncivilized due to their non-sedentary lifestyle; they did not build on the land, had no fixed settlements and mainly lived from hunting. As a nomadic people, they stood outside the cultural order.
On the other hand, the trope of the wandering people or the people in exodus of- fered much identificatory potential for the transatlantic travellers, through the re- ligious reference to the Israelites.
Secondly, another apprehension is, that the original of these Americans is from the Tartars, or Scythians, that live in the north-east parts of Asia; which some good geographers conceive is nearly joined unto the north-west parts of America. In these, Paul assigns the Jews and their conversion to Christianity a crucial eschatological role. God forbid. God forbid: but rather through their fall salvation is come unto the Gentiles, for to provoke them to jealousy.
Now if the fall of them be the riches of the world, and the diminishing of them the riches of the Gentiles; how much more their fulness? And so all Israel shall be saved: as it is written [Isa. The New England Puritans translated these prophecies into their own local and historical reality as part of a millenarian typology. From the beginning, the ques- tion of missionizing the heathens or Gentiles that is, the Indians implied the question of the conversion of the Jews, preparing the way for the millennium.
Thus, in the colonial transfer of millenarian ideas from Europe to North America, and from the Old Testament into the wilderness of New England now made an eschatological location , ethnological and theological knowledge converged with constructs of apocalyptic promise. But what role should the New England Puritans play in this process, given that the majority of Jews were in Europe? It can be traced back to the sixteenth century in Portugal and Spain, although there it bore a clearly anti-Judaic stamp.
However, it attained real politi- cal importance only when the hopes of Jewish messianism became linked with those of Christian millenarianism. Some speculation on the routes to America taken by the ten tribes was based on the books of Kings and the Apocrypha 2 Esd. Historian Lee Eldridge Huddleston has given the most detailed account of the events. At the time, Mon- tezinos recounted, he had paid no further attention to the matter.
Shortly after- wards he had been captured by the Inquisition. When Montezinos revealed his Jewish identity, the Indian agreed to lead him to the holy people in the mountains.
There, Montezinos heard and saw relics of He- brew language and ritual. Through the intervention of Menasseh Ben Israel, a Portuguese rabbi living in Amsterdam, the account gave rise to two developments, one in Europe and one in New England.
Menasseh was requested by the Scottish millenarian John Dury, a trusted adviser of Oliver Cromwell, to write down his version of the lost tribes theory. Spes Israelis was also translated into many other languages and spread rapidly across Europe. This was the context in which Menasseh welcomed the appearance of the ten lost tribes in faraway America. Of special note for the issues discussed in this chapter is the similarity between Puritan and Jewish historical and salvific expectations, first studied by Richard Popkin.
Along with generous dona- tions from England and not least the founding of the New England Missionary Society, this knowledge provided new impetus for missionary activities. With Eliot, the Puritanism of New England had acquired an element of postmillenarian belief in progress and the 57 See also Katz, Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England —, esp. At the same time, they were concerned to consolidate and expand their religious, political and economic mission in the wilderness.
Significantly, the Israel-referenced typology did not in itself imply any specific interest in the Jews of contemporary Europe or of the colo- nies. As Huddleston notes: By relegating the Jewish people to a mythical past, one which served no other purpose but to direct attention to a Christian future, the typological mind robbed the living Jews of their ancient roots, their unique history, and their meaningful existence. To some New England Puritans the Jewish past did not exist except insofar as it provided Chris- tendom with a mirror for its own time.
This was a religiously founded gender order in which dissidents and rebellious women — such as Anne Hutchinson, who asserted the equality of the genders with respect to divine inspiration — were banished to the wilderness as heretics. It would go beyond the scope of the present chapter to discuss the discursive equation of female dissidents and American Indians, both of them disorderly and untamed groups, that marked the antinomian crisis triggered by Hutchinson.
Those tribes had never known Jesus and had therefore not killed him, meaning that they had never been cast away from God. It underlies Puritan anxieties around contact and acculturation. On the one hand, the American Indians were excellently adapted to life in the wilderness; in order to survive, newcomers had to learn from them and to a degree try to resemble them.
Setbacks to missionary activity, growing con- flicts and minor wars with certain tribes, and the land rush of new settler groups and adventurers all reignited the old fear that the wilderness could exert an anti- moral effect on the settlers. In the fraught situation of the antinomian crisis and the first-generational conflict with the younger colonists who had grown up in the wilderness, the oligarchs of Massachusetts increasingly resorted to premillenarian notions of schism and catastrophe, and to the anti-Judaic motifs associated with these.
Thorowgood interprets the worship of idols and the practice of sacrifice, especially alleged human sacrifice and in particu- lar cannibalism — traditional stereotypes of colonial discourse — as symptoms of an Israel that has fallen away from God.
As I have shown in more detail elsewhere,86 the doubling of pure and sublime nature on the one hand, impure and demonic nature on the other now hardened in Puritan writings. Especially when the wilderness itself was condensed into a human body — its savage inhabitants — that actively combated the Puritan exo- dus, it became an utterly satanic space. As personi- fications of this frightening wilderness, in the rhetoric of war the American Indi- ans became a distorting mirror for complexes apparently long since overcome: defined as idol-worshipping heathens, they took up the legacy of the hated Ca- tholicism.
The owners of the Massachusetts Bay Company had long been watching with disapproval the growth and uncontrolled lifestyles of the frontier communi- ties, and notions of the border between civilization and wilderness acquired a new urgency. Frontier skirmishes were increasingly defined as divine tests.
The discourse of war very evidently fused proto-racist with gendered and religious attri- butions, so that the conflict appeared not only as a God-given trial, but also as a 86 Brunotte, Puritanismus und Pioniergeist. Thus, before their final defeat, the Pequot warriors were consistently portrayed by the Puritans as hyper- virile, brutal fighters. In contrast, as the war went on the discursive figure of the Puritan soldier shifted from a defender inexperienced in violence to an uncom- promising warrior who rationally appropriated the muscular masculinity of his savage opponents in order to annihilate them.
Closing Remarks The complex and shifting appropriations of the biblical narrative of the ten lost tribes, moving from ancient Israel via England and South America into the North American colonies, vividly illustrate how discursive and geographical transfer of 91 Philbrick, Mayflower: A Story of Courage, Community, and War, , p.
It should be borne in mind that the myth of the lost tribes of Israel, as well as early biblical descriptions of Jewish rites, taboos and cus- toms, had been deployed as stereotypes and models of the Other at a much ear- lier stage in the history of European colonialism, as Parfitt98 has shown. As well as a discursive and imaginary connection between antisemitism and orientalism, we may also infer a discursive exchange between, and entangled history of, anti- Judaism and colonialism.
Among the New England Puri- tans, I have argued, the constant and volatile switches between anti-Judaism and pro-Judaism intensified the shifting constructions of the Self by means of the Other with a very particular ambivalence. Works Cited Bercovitch, Sacvan. The Puritan Origin of the American Self. New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, Block, Sharon and Kathleen M.
Brunotte, Ulrike. Puritanismus und Pioniergeist. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, Antisemitismus und Philosemitismus in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Irene A. Diekmann and Elke-Vera Kotowski.
Ein mehrfacher Pluralismus, ed. Hans G. Topografien der Sehnsucht, ed. Claudia Ben- thien and Manuela Gerlof. Orientalismus, Antisemitismus und Geschlecht im Deutsch- land des Wulf D. Hund, Christian Koller, and Moshe Zimmermann.
Zurich: LIT, , pp. Canny, Nicholas P. Canup, John. Cave, Alfred A. The Pequot War. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, Cheyette, Bryan. Chidester, David. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, Empire of Religion: Imperialism and Comparative Religion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Cogley, Richard W. Cremer, Andrea D. Eliot, John. With a preface by Joseph Caryl. London, Feldman, Egal. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Forbes, Allyn B.
Winthrop Papers 3, — Boston: Massachusetts His- torical Society, Frederickson, George M. Racism: A Short History. Violence and the Sacred, trans. Patrick Gregory. Glaser, Jennifer. Gookin, Daniel. Re- print. Boston: Munroe and Francis, , pp. Heimert, Alan. New York: Simon and Schuster, Eine analytisch-kritische Be- griffsanalyse.
Antisemitismus und Philo- semitismus in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Hoberman, Michael. Holstun, James. Huddleston, Lee El. Origins of the American Indians: European Concepts, — Austin: University of Texas Press, Isaac, Benjamin H.
The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity. Jaher, Frederic C. Katz, David S. Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England — Oxford: Clarendon Press, Paolo Bernardini and Norman Fiering.
New York: Berghahn, , pp. Kolodny, Annette. Kruer, Matthew. Mather, Cotton. Magnalia Christi Americana. London: Thomas Parkhurst, Magnalia Christi Americana, 2nd edition, 2 vols. Mather, Increase. Boston: Printed by John Foster, , pp. McGinn, Bernard. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, Meer, Nasar ed. Special issue, Ethnic and Racial Studies Pagels, Elaine. New York: Random House, Parfitt, Tudor.
Black Jews in Africa and the Americas. Philbrick, Nathaniel. New York: Viking, Pointer, Richard W. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Popkin, Richard H. Perez Zagorin. Berkeley: University of California Press, , pp. Millenarianism and Messianism in English Literature and Thought — Leiden: E. Brill, Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London: Routledge, Rohde, Achim.
Orientalismus, Antisemitismus und Ge- schlecht im Deutschland des Said, Edward. New York: Vintage Books, Schrepfer, Susan R. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, Shurtleff, Nathaniel B.
Boston: William White, Slotkin, Richard. Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the Frontier, — Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Stoler, Ann Laura. Strachey, William. The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia. London: Printed for The Hakluyt Society, Thomas, James M.
Thorowgood, Thomas. London: Printed by W. Slater, Toon, Peter. Peter Toon. London: James Clarke, , pp. Williams, Roger. A Key into the Language of America, ed. John J. Teunissen and Eve- lyn J. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, []. From beneath her cap the long black tresses fall loose over her shoulders — this being a hallmark of unmarried Jewesses. This depiction alludes to the pogroms in imperial Russia which since the s had been on the increase, and the Jewess is portrayed as the victim of these violent rampages.
While the lin- guistic element is to the fore with regard to the sheer concept of the Beautiful Jew- ess and its narration throughout a text, pictorial depictions focused on the particu- larity of her beauty — on the deep-set dark eyes and the equally dark and mostly curly long hair.
As stereotypical elements they are condensed into a visual canon and emerge as the signet of the Beautiful Jewess. She is possessor of a specific — ex- otic — beauty that distinguishes her from her non-Jewish surroundings and makes her visible in a way that connects her with the Orient, which marks her as alien and different. My thesis is that the Beautiful Jewess is to be regarded as a figure on the border- line — as a figure that in the historical development of this image motif paces off the terrain of Jewish conflicts in a non-Jewish environment.
To return once more to the cover designs that we examined at the beginning, as Florian Krobb high- lighted in his study of narrative prose, both depictions emphasize the beauty of the young Jewess. Insofar as the Beautiful Jewess specified no one individual person, she served proxy for Jewry as a whole. At the same time, in the pictorial designs, we can repeatedly observe ten- dencies to make her an agent of certain personifications.
She is most vividly present in depictions of Salome, for instance by Gustave Moreau, Salome, ; and Salome Dancing before Herod, The impact of this on the Jewish communities was not only a new edition of what was well-known to them as a potential threat but also caused and intensified migration of Eastern European Jews to the West and thus dissolution of the structural order of Jewish communities. It was only with advent of the First World War that there emerged an altered perception of the Ostjuden on the part of Western Jews who constituted the bourgeois and cultivated elements of Jewish society.
Glasenapp draws attention to the fact that most of the tales were trans- lated from Yiddish and Hebrew, which constituted an improvement. The dangerous situation of Eastern European Jewry is made explicit through the soldiers in Cossack apparel and their unambiguously threatening stance, which insinuates both the motif and motive of rape. The figure of the Beautiful Jewess be- fore them represents Eastern European Jews — and she above all brings public awareness to the West of the danger with which these Jews are threatened.
More- over, the negative connotations that Ostjuden carried for acculturated Jews of the West had in the meantime given way to assumption of a paternalistic attitude to- ward the former. Western Jews increasingly perceived the Jews of Eastern Europe as being victims of Russian politics due to the restrictions placed on them. The figure of the Beautiful Jewess thus is discussed in the context of the chang- ing relationship between Eastern and Western European Jewry, serving as meta- phor for a shift in boundaries.
A lithograph by Max Liebermann fig. In the background are some sketchily drawn houses and in front of them is a battle scene of armed men on horseback. It was founded in Berlin in at the instigation of Paul Nathan. It was through the financial contributions of German Jews that the cultural condition of Jews in Eastern Europe was to be improved. In April , during the Easter holidays, there were antisemitic excesses committed in the municipality of Kishinev in Moldavia.
In Octo- ber there was another pogrom in the city. For Western European Jews the czarist policy, and thus that of Russia, was one of their central arguments for be- coming soldiers in the First World War. Also in the case of Liebermann the First World War was an occasion for him to take up the theme of the dangerous situa- tion facing Eastern European Jewry. The development of po- litical and cultural Zionism was revolutionary for the traditional East-West rela- tionship. From a Zionist point of view the Eastern European Jews were a strong- hold of spiritual and cultural inspiration; they came to epitomize a lived Jewish folklore which West European Jewry had largely lost owing to their assimilation.
During the po- groms Jews were murdered and businesses and households were plundered and destroyed. Like many thousands of other Jews, and in the general popular enthusiasm for the war, at its outbreak Struck had volunteered for armed service. After brief duty on the front, he was in- stalled in the press bureau of the Eastern High Command, which was stationed in Lithuania, first in Bialystok and then Kaunas.
Here he functioned as censor and was a translator of Yiddish. According to Arnold Zweig, the plan for the book emerged directly after appearance of the portfolio. In a letter to Martin Buber in , Zweig wrote that insofar as I could acquaint myself with them by way of the Lithuanian Jews, I will be writing at length about the Eastern Jews and availing myself of an already existing op- portunity, as it were, namely some fifty new lithographs by Struck.
Despite their direct confrontation with Eastern European Jews, whose life was one of poverty and squalor, the writer Zweig and the graphic artist Struck put forward an idealized and romanticized image of the Ostjuden which was instrumental to the cultural Zionist 18 There was a second edition in It was illustrated with 52 lithographs. This edition was reprinted in Wiesbaden Fourier Verlag. Before appearance of the book there were individual parts of it featured in the maga- zine Der Jude, which was published by Martin Buber.
Arnold Zweig was born in Glogow in and died in East Berlin in He was a cultural Zionist with socialist leanings. Baer in Frankfurt. The indi- vidual and discrete portraits are juxtaposed with the text and finally serve to con- jure the group portrait of a family encompassing both sexes and all ages and which represents an ideal image of Eastern Jewry.
A total of nine lithographs portray young women in idealized fashion fig. Each of these female figures accords with the typology of the Beautiful Jewess — for instance the bust portrait of a young woman with headscarf fig. Against a light background her face, in oblique pro- file, exhibits dark melancholy eyes; her headscarf evinces full dark hair. Each im- age — predominantly head and bust portraits — stands alone, is separated from the text, and takes up an entire page.
The body, shoulders and neck are only sketchily 22 Struck committed to his diary the direct experience he had of the poverty and misery in which Eastern European Jews lived. See Ost und West 1, , columns 1—4. The figures almost never make eye contact with the observer, thus intensify- ing the impression of their isolation. The depictions focus on the eye area — the face and head are modeled solely through black lines and their painterly reading of the subject as well as through smudged grays, and the omnipresent omissions are made conspicuous through the white background of the page.
With only a few ex- ceptions the pictures were signed by Struck, thus demonstrating his own artistic presence and authority over the drawings and also in the sense of their being illus- trations. The likenesses are neither captioned so as to identify the subject nor are there any other indicators regarding when and where they might have had their provenance.
The images thus take on the quality of timeless apparitions. The figure is seated on a throne adorned with the Star of David, she wears a crown and holds in her hands the Torah scroll.
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During the страница groms Jews were murdered and businesses and households were plundered and destroyed. For all that, it too reproduced the archetypal East-West cut and its ef- fectiveness was ultimately negligible. His literature illustrates the transitional period that mid-nineteenth-century Western European Jews experienced, and shows how Jewish writers related to the political, social and cultural changes that followed. And so all Israel shall be saved: as it is written [Isa.❿
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Eitan Bar-Yosef. Caught between the often blatantly anti-Jewish German nationalistic movement opposing Jewish emancipa- tion, on the one hand, and Jewish religious traditionalism and separateness, on the other, young liberal and acculturated Jews struggled to azizx for themselves a new position in a society from which they expected full recognition as equal citizens.
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